Topics
Countries
Ethiopia News
Would you like to access news/blog content published by sources located in Ethiopia?
Code example
If you'd like to make a REST call, then make a following POST request:
Endpoint /api/v1/article/getArticles
Request body
{
"sourceLocationUri": "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethiopia",
"resultType": "articles",
"apiKey": "API_KEY"
}
If you'd like instead to do a GET request then call:
/api/v1/article/getArticles?sourceLocationUri=http%3A%2F%2Fen.wikipedia.org%2Fwiki%2FEthiopia&resultType=articles&apiKey=API_KEY
Example of JSON response
Below is an example JSON object that you would receive as the result of the request. You can retrieve also additional properties such as concepts, categories, source details, etc. by specifying additional parameters in the request as described on the documentation page.
{
"articles": {
"results": [
{
"uri": "9434211695",
"lang": "eng",
"isDuplicate": false,
"date": "2026-08-16",
"time": "16:49:32",
"dateTime": "2026-08-16T16:49:32Z",
"dateTimePub": "2026-08-16T16:49:02Z",
"dataType": "news",
"sim": 0,
"url": "https://www.ena.et/web/eng/w/eng_9409894",
"title": "Wars, Strategic Rivalries and A Deepening Humanitarian Strain",
"body": "The week ending August 16 highlighted a widening gap between diplomatic efforts and realities on the ground. Wars and strategic confrontations in the Middle East and Ukraine continued to dominate international attention, while Sudan, Somalia and South Sudan faced worsening humanitarian pressures. At the same time, tensions among major powers over trade, technology, energy security and strategic influence continued to reshape the international system.\n\nThe emerging global picture is increasingly defined not by one dominant crisis, but by several interconnected crises. Energy disruptions in the Middle East affect inflation and shipping worldwide. The Russia Ukraine war continues to threaten food and energy security. Conflicts in Sudan and the Sahel are generating displacement and creating new spaces for armed groups. Climate change is intensifying food insecurity, while competition over AI, critical minerals, digital infrastructure, supply chains and financial systems is becoming part of the broader contest for geopolitical influence.\n\nMiddle East\n\nThe Middle East remained the principal source of immediate geopolitical risk. The confrontation between the United States and Iran increasingly centered on the strategic importance of the Strait of Hormuz, energy security and the wider balance of power in the Gulf.\n\nA major development over the week was the escalation in rhetoric over the strait. U.S. President Donald Trump said he would soon declare the Strait of Hormuz U.S. territory after saying Washington would finish defeating Iran. Iran responded that the waterway would remain under Iranian control. Iranian officials have also indicated that discussions with Oman concerning maritime navigation are continuing, although Tehran has linked the reopening of the strait to broader understandings with Washington.\n\nThe significance extends far beyond Iran and the United States. The Strait of Hormuz is one of the world's most important energy corridors, meaning prolonged disruption could affect oil prices, shipping costs, insurance premiums and inflation across Asia, Europe and Africa. For major Asian economies such as India and China, which depend heavily on energy imports and maritime trade through the Gulf, instability around the strait carries direct economic and strategic consequences.\n\nGaza remained another major source of tension. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected a 15-point Gaza proposal backed by Trump, arguing that Israel would not withdraw its forces until Hamas is fully disarmed. The rejection exposed a significant difference between Washington's diplomatic effort and the Israeli government's preferred military approach.\n\nThe wider implication is that the Middle East is increasingly functioning as a single strategic theatre. Gaza, Iran, the Gulf and Red Sea cannot easily be treated as separate crises because developments in one arena influence military deployments, shipping routes, energy markets and regional alliances elsewhere.\n\nIndian media have consequently continued to examine the Middle East through the lens of India's energy security, trade routes and relations with Gulf states. Developments involving Iran and the Strait of Hormuz are particularly significant for New Delhi because prolonged disruption could affect energy supplies, shipping costs and India's wider economic interests.\n\nUkraine\n\nThe Russia-Ukraine war also showed few signs of a decisive breakthrough. Russia continued offensive operations while Ukraine maintained attacks against Russian military and economic infrastructure.\n\nThe war also continues to have implications for global food security. Any sustained disruption to Black Sea shipping can affect grain exports and maritime insurance costs, particularly for countries in Africa and the Middle East that depend heavily on imported cereals.\n\nAfrica\n\nAfrica continued to face a complex mix of armed conflict, humanitarian emergencies, political fragmentation and climate related pressures during the week. From Sudan's widening war and the Sahel's deteriorating security environment to Somalia's deepening food crisis and fragile peace efforts in the Great Lakes, the continent's crises increasingly extend beyond national borders. These developments highlight the growing link between conflict, displacement, food insecurity, climate shocks and weakening regional security mechanisms.\n\nGlobal Economy and Trade\n\nThe global economy continued to operate under several overlapping pressures, particularly energy insecurity, tariffs, geopolitical uncertainty and supply chain disruption.\n\nThe Middle East remains central to the energy outlook. Any prolonged disruption around the Strait of Hormuz could increase transportation and energy costs, with consequences for inflation and economic growth.\n\nTrade policy also remained increasingly strategic. The Trump administration continued to employ tariffs as an instrument of economic and geopolitical pressure, while Washington intensified scrutiny of countries suspected of helping China circumvent U.S. duties through third country supply chains.\n\nAt the same time, India and China continued to face the challenge of managing their own economic relationship. Indian media have highlighted market access, trade imbalances and efforts to stabilize economic ties with Beijing, while concerns over the Himalayan border continue to influence the broader relationship.\n\nThis indicates a deeper transformation in the global trading system. Economic efficiency is no longer the only consideration in determining where goods are produced and transported. Governments are increasingly weighing national security, strategic autonomy, access to critical minerals, semiconductor supply, energy security and technological dependence.\n\nBRICS has also emerged as an important element of this economic transformation. Indian coverage has focused on efforts to strengthen financial cooperation among BRICS members, including discussions on linking payment systems and increasing the use of national currencies. Such initiatives form part of a wider effort among emerging economies to increase their influence over global financial governance and reduce dependence on traditional Western dominated financial structures.\n\nThe consequence could be more resilient supply chains in some sectors, but also higher production costs, greater trade fragmentation and persistent inflationary pressures.\n\nFor developing economies, especially African countries, this transformation presents both risks and opportunities. Countries able to attract investment into manufacturing, logistics, energy and mineral processing could benefit from supply chain diversification. Those dependent on imported fuel, food and manufactured goods remain vulnerable to external shocks.\n\nTechnology and Artificial Intelligence\n\nArtificial intelligence continued to move beyond the technology sector and into the centre of geopolitical competition.\n\nChina's rapid development of open weight AI models has strengthened competition with American technology companies and demonstrated that the AI contest is no longer simply about individual commercial products. Chinese media have increasingly linked technological development to national competitiveness, strategic autonomy and China's broader role in the international system.\n\nIndian media have likewise focused on AI, semiconductors and emerging digital technologies as elements of national economic and strategic power. India's efforts to expand its technological capabilities are taking place alongside growing competition between the United States and China over advanced computing and semiconductor technologies.\n\nThe larger strategic competition extends across semiconductors, data centres, electricity generation, cloud infrastructure, research talent and digital standards. The countries that control these foundations will have greater influence over the future digital economy.\n\nAI infrastructure is also creating new resource pressures. Data centres require enormous quantities of electricity and, in many locations, significant amounts of water. Governments are therefore increasingly confronted with questions about how much energy should be allocated to AI infrastructure, how its benefits should be distributed and how to manage its impact on labour markets and public services.\n\nThe geopolitical AI competition is consequently becoming a competition over infrastructure and resources as much as algorithms.\n\nFor Africa, this creates an opportunity to move beyond being primarily a consumer of digital technologies. Countries that invest in reliable electricity, digital infrastructure, data governance, technical education and local AI capacity could position themselves to benefit from the next stage of digital transformation.\n\nAsia and the Changing Security Order\n\nThe strategic competition in Asia continued to develop alongside the conflicts and economic pressures elsewhere in the world. India China relations remain shaped by the disputed Himalayan border, military deployments and efforts to stabilize bilateral ties. While both countries have sought to improve economic engagement, security concerns continue to influence the relationship.\n\nThese developments reinforce a broader shift in the international system in which maritime routes, technology, military alliances and economic networks are increasingly interconnected. Competition in the Indo Pacific is therefore no longer separate from developments in the Middle East, Europe or Africa.\n\nClimate\n\nClimate remained an increasingly important component of the global security picture.\n\nThe World Meteorological Organization has warned that a strengthening El Niño will influence global temperature and rainfall patterns during the August to October period. Above normal temperatures are expected across many parts of the world, while some regions face increased drought risk and others face heavier rainfall.\n\nThe significance of these developments goes beyond environmental concerns.\n\nExtreme heat reduces agricultural productivity, drought affects water availability, floods damage infrastructure, and changing weather patterns increase pressure on already fragile food systems. Governments must consequently spend more resources responding to disasters at a time when many are already facing debt, conflict and humanitarian funding shortages.\n\nClimate change is therefore becoming a multiplier of existing economic and security vulnerabilities.\n\nConclusion\n\nThe most important trend of the week was the convergence of geopolitical, economic, humanitarian and climate pressures, with developments in one arena increasingly affecting stability in others.\n\nThe conflict in the Middle East continues to affect energy markets and maritime security, while the war in Ukraine threatens grain and energy infrastructure. Sudan is driving regional displacement, while South Sudan faces the combined pressures of hunger, conflict and refugee flows. Somalia continues to struggle with drought and declining humanitarian support, and militant groups in the Sahel are strengthening their financial and operational networks. At the same time, artificial intelligence is emerging as a major arena of strategic competition, while climate change is intensifying pressure on food systems, water resources and public finances.\n\nThis week's developments further demonstrated how quickly regional crises can acquire global consequences. The sharp exchange between Washington and Tehran over the Strait of Hormuz highlighted the vulnerability of global economic security to geopolitical tensions, while intensified drone attacks between Russia and Ukraine showed how modern warfare is increasingly reaching deep into territory, infrastructure and economic assets far from the traditional front lines.\n\nThe international system is therefore moving toward a period of prolonged strategic competition rather than a straightforward return to stability. Competition between the United States and China, India's expanding strategic calculations, the growing role of BRICS, the contest over artificial intelligence and semiconductors, and disputes over maritime routes all point to a broader struggle in which economic, technological and financial instruments are becoming as important as military power.\n\nFor Africa, the implications are particularly significant. The continent is increasingly situated at the intersection of competing interests involving the Middle East, Europe, Russia, China, India and the United States. Ports, critical minerals, energy corridors, telecommunications networks, agricultural resources, digital infrastructure and military partnerships are becoming increasingly important elements of geopolitical competition.\n\nThe strategic challenge for African states is therefore not simply to respond to individual crises, but to preserve strategic autonomy while attracting investment, safeguarding food and energy security, strengthening regional institutions and avoiding excessive dependence on any single external power.\n\nThe central question for the international system is no longer whether individual crises can be contained in isolation. It is whether governments and multilateral institutions can prevent these interconnected pressures from reinforcing one another and creating a broader cycle of instability. The developments of the week suggest that managing this interconnectedness will be one of the defining challenges of the period ahead.",
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"title": "Ethiopia News Agency"
},
"authors": [],
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"image": "https://www.ena.et/o/adaptive-media/image/9409951/Preview-1000x0/photo_2026-07-26_09-30-16 (1).jpg",
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{
"uri": "9434208269",
"lang": "eng",
"isDuplicate": false,
"date": "2026-08-16",
"time": "16:43:49",
"dateTime": "2026-08-16T16:43:49Z",
"dateTimePub": "2026-08-16T16:43:25Z",
"dataType": "news",
"sim": 0,
"url": "https://awate.com/the-moment-the-ghedli-lost-its-soul-part-ii/",
"title": "The Moment the Ghedli Lost Its Soul (Part II)",
"body": "The Moment the Ghedli Lost Its Soul PART II\n\nThe erosion of voluntary participation did not occur in a vacuum. It unfolded against a backdrop of shifting battlefields, demographic upheavals, factional rivalries, and organizational panic. To understand how coercion became normalized -- and how the tegadalai was transformed from a moral agent into an instrument -- we must trace the pressures that reshaped the fronts in the late 1970s and early 1980s.\n\nI. The Tegadalai as a Moral Category\n\nThe early tegadalai was unlike any figure in Eritrean history. He was not a soldier because he was not paid. He was not an ascari, because he did not serve colonial power. He was not a shifta, because he did not extract food or shelter through force or was not inspired by personal vendettas or self-aggrandizement. His sustenance came through kwadere (ኳደረ), the traditional system of hospitality through which villagers provided for travelers, strangers, and royal messengers -- and through contributions from Eritreans inside the country and in the diaspora.\n\nThe ghedli adapted this ancient ethic to modern struggle: civilians supported fighters not out of fear but out of solidarity. Urban clandestine networks and diaspora mass organizations reinforced this moral economy. The tegadalai resembled the shifta only in his voluntary entry into the field; his cause, however, was collective and emancipatory, not personal or vengeful. Eritrean history knows noble shiftas, but they were exceptions. The tegadalai was the norm.\n\nPolitical theorists of revolution -- from Frantz Fanon to Amílcar Cabral -- argue that voluntary participation is the moral foundation of any liberation movement. The tegadalai embodied this principle: he was a moral subject before he was a military one. His sacrifice carried weight precisely because it was voluntary. Martyrdom meant something because it was freely given.\n\nII. The Rupture: When Coercion Entered the Struggle\n\nThe decisive rupture came with the introduction of forced recruitment, commonly known as giffa. Once coercion entered the bloodstream of the struggle, the tegadalai -- as a moral category -- ceased to exist.\n\nThe fighter who emerged after 1977 was neither tegadalai nor shifta nor soldier, but something in between: a conscripted combatant who fought within a liberation movement without the voluntary moral agency that had once defined it. Some of the tegadelti had joined out of conviction; others were rounded up. The first casualty of this hybridization was moral agency either directly or indirectly through association.\n\nComparative revolutionary history shows similar ruptures:\n\nIn Zimbabwe, ZANLA's forced recruitment in the late 1970s weakened its moral legitimacy.\n\nIn Ethiopia, the Derg's mass conscription eroded the distinction between soldier and subject.\n\nIn Mozambique, FRELIMO's early voluntarism gave way to coercive mobilization under wartime pressure.\n\nEritrea's case fits this pattern: coercion corrodes the moral foundation of liberation.\n\nIII. The Strategic Turn: War, Demography, and Organizational Panic\n\nUp to the mid-1970s, both the ELF and the EPLF still functioned as genuine popular fronts. Their fighters were citizens who had crossed the threshold of fear and chosen to bear witness to a national mission. The ghedli, at that stage, was sustained by voluntary commitment rather than organizational compulsion.\n\nThe ELF embodied this ethos. For nearly three quarters of its existence, it allowed its fighters annual leave in its liberated areas or across the border in Sudan. This practice was more than logistical accommodation; it was a profound expression of trust. It affirmed that a tegadalai was anchored not by coercion but by conviction -- that he would return because he believed in the struggle, not because he was compelled to do so. It was the ultimate vote of confidence in the idea of a voluntary freedom fighter and in the moral grammar that defined the early ghedli.\n\nRecently, I came across a story that captures this ethos with remarkable clarity. A friend who lived in Kassala told me about his neighbor, Adem Mohamed Hamid -- affectionately known as Gendefil -- a name spoken with quiet admiration in Eritrean history. For years, Gendefil would work in Sudan for three months to earn enough money to support his family, then be exiled in Kassala, and afterward return to Eritrea to lead his squad of fighters. Few stories illustrate the voluntary nature of the early struggle more vividly: a man who balanced the obligations of family with the obligations of liberation, moving between two worlds with unwavering commitment.\n\nGendefil is remembered for one of the most daring missions of the early armed struggle: the liberation of the military post at Haikota in 1963. After Mebrahtu Tseggai surveyed the area, Gendefil disguised himself as a madman and entered Haikota to assess the feasibility of the attack. His reconnaissance confirmed that victory was within reach -- and the rest became part of the lore of Eritrea's liberation history.\n\nAfter independence, it was Gendefil who presented his old rifle to Isaias Afwerki -- a symbolic gesture marking the close of one chapter of Eritrean history and the opening of another. His life, like that of so many early fighters, stands as a testament to a time when the ghedli was sustained by voluntary sacrifice, moral agency, and a deep sense of national mission. Gendefil died in the late 1990s in Kassala, but he was among the few of the pioneering generation who lived long enough to see the dream of an independent Eritrea fulfilled.\n\n1. The Liberation of Towns and the Shift to Positional Warfare\n\nThe fronts began liberating towns and cities -- Karora, Nacfa, Teseney, and Aqordet -- and the battlefield transformed from guerrilla warfare into positional warfare resembling the trench battles of the World Wars. The existing literature is often misleading about who liberated what and when, but the essential point remains: the fronts were entering a new military phase that eventually demanded more manpower than voluntary recruitment could supply. It was the ELF that started the liberation of towns and cities. It suffices to mention that Karora was liberated by the ELF in 1976. Of course, the ELF did not hold on to it for long, and it was retaken by the Derg, but the same is true for the EPLF. The EPLF liberated Karora in January of 1977, and a year later it was taken back by the Derg. Several towns, such as Hagaz and Omhajer, were already liberated by the ELF before Karora.\n\n2. The Demographic Surge\n\nDerg brutality drove tens of thousands of young Eritreans into the field, overwhelming the capacity of both fronts. The influx was sudden, massive, and politically unplanned; neither the ELF nor the PLF/EPLF possessed the organizational infrastructure to absorb it. Crucially, this surge was entirely voluntary. Between 1974 and 1977, Eritreans -- especially the youth -- joined the struggle out of conviction, fearlessness, a desire for revenge against the unprecedented killings and massacres their communities had endured, and a deepening sense of national urgency.\n\nFor many, joining the ghedli became the defining aspiration of Eritrean youth culture. It was the \"cool\" thing to do -- the ultimate expression of courage, patriotism, and adulthood. In this early period, no forceful recruitment existed; the movement was still animated by moral agency, personal choice, and a collective sense of historical responsibility.\n\nAnd those of us who were children dreamed of growing up quickly so we could join the ghedli and kill the \"Amhara.\" One of my favorite songs at the time was \"ኣብ ሩባ ሩባ ጸግዒ ጎቦ፣ ኣምሓራይ ኣድጊ ተዝረኽቦ፣ ብሬነይ ጌረ ክዕምብቦ።\" Fighting -- and the desire to kill the \"enemy\" -- became normalized, woven into the emotional fabric of childhood and the cultural imagination of the era.\n\nThe Derg did not grasp the danger of this deeply embedded cultural DNA, and in its miscalculation, it provoked a force it could neither contain nor comprehend. Once awakened, the war machine that had long been dormant surged into motion. The sheer scale of voluntary mobilization forced both fronts to rethink their military organization. What had once been small, ideologically cohesive guerrilla units now had to be reorganized into more formal structures: first battalions, then brigades, and eventually kifle serawit.\n\nThis transformation was driven not by coercion but by the unprecedented number of citizens choosing to fight. The human geography of the war had changed, and the fronts had to adapt to a movement expanding faster than their existing frameworks could absorb.\n\nWithin the ELF, the crisis exposed deep fissures. The military chief, Abdella Idris, resisted accepting large numbers of highland recruits even as late as 1976, and the newcomers were met with disparaging labels -- Sewret BBC, Sewret Khamsa Wesebi'en -- terms that revealed the cultural anxieties and regional suspicions simmering beneath the surface. The ELF's hesitation was not merely logistical; it reflected an older political grammar struggling to accommodate a new demographic reality. The disparaging labels were not confined to the ELF; the EPLF had its own for those who joined when the liberation struggle reached its apex in 1975. They were called -- ironically, and tellingly, in Arabic -- heruya geriba.\n\nThe EPLF was more receptive, but even it -- like the ELF -- approached the influx with caution. The concern on both fronts centered on the growing number of underage youths arriving at their gates. The phrase \"quintal belieka temeles -- ኩንታል በሊዕካ ተመለስ\" captured the spirit of the moment: an acknowledgment that the movement was receiving children whose bodies were not yet prepared for the physical burdens of war, even if their political consciousness had been forged prematurely by state terror. It was a dilemma born not of reluctance toward volunteers, but of the painful recognition that the struggle's moral and military demands were colliding with the vulnerability of its youngest recruits.\n\n3. Organizational Breakdown\n\nThe tragedy is that this transformation -- from conviction to coercion -- unfolded without any meaningful deliberation. Forced recruitment was never sanctioned by the ELF's Revolutionary Council or its Congress; it emerged in the highlands, initiated at the kifle serawit level, allegedly by Woldedawit Temesgen. Its implementation was uneven and regionally selective. Most recruits came from Seraye, while Akeleguzay and Hamasien were largely spared. It is important to note that much of Hamasien and Akeleguzay -- aside from a few wereeds -- was considered EPLF territory. Outside Seraye, only Gash -- particularly the Kunama -- was subjected to giffa.\n\nWhat began as an improvised response to alleged battlefield pressures soon hardened into practice, yet it never passed through the movement's formal political organs. The erosion of voluntary participation did not begin with a single decree; it seeped gradually into the bloodstream of the struggle -- first through necessity or misguided power struggle, then through habit, and finally through institutionalization.\n\nOne of the individuals I interviewed raised a critical question: if the ELF leadership had not authorized the policy, why did it allow some of the new recruits to be trained in Barka? The answer lies in the internal politics of the time. First, most of the recruits were not trained in Barka at all but by the kifle serawit in Seraye. Secondly, more consequentially, Abdella Idris was in cahoots with Woldedawit Temesgen. Their collaboration aimed to swell the number of fighters from Seraye and the Lowlands, a deliberate attempt to counter what Abdella Idris perceived as the growing ascendancy of the Hamasien Akeleguzay Semhar-Maria alignment under the \"Hamasien-dominated EPLF.\" In this sense, giffa was not merely a military improvisation; it became entangled in the factional arithmetic of regional representation and leadership rivalry.\n\nToward this goal, Abdella Idris and his coterie also embarked on mobilizing Muslim refugees in camps across Sudan, hoping to broaden their support base and augment their fighting force. But the initiative failed to produce the desired outcome. The political calculus remained centered on Seraye, and the attempt to draw on refugee populations only underscored the increasingly improvised -- and increasingly desperate -- nature of their strategy.\n\nThis dynamic also helps explain why Woldedawit Temesgen eventually joined the Rasae group of Abdella Idris after the ELF was forced to retreat into Sudan under the combined onslaught of the EPLF and its ally, the TPLF -- the original Tsemdo long before the term acquired its current popularity. The political logic that had shaped the early implementation of giffa -- regional balancing, factional maneuvering, and personal alliances -- continued to shape alignments long after the battlefield had shifted.\n\nThe alliance between Woldedawit Temesgen and Abdella Idris soon reached a standoff. Abdella Idris was reluctant to allow Woldedawit to pursue his strategy of returning to the highlands and reasserting his turf. Abdella eventually realized that he could not afford another threat emerging from the highlands; he needed something he could claim as his own. The assassination of Woldedawit put the final nail in the coffin of this uneasy partnership.\n\nIn the end, ክልተ ጎራሓት ሓሙኽሽቲ ስንቆም -- two slick willies will have ashes for their food supply. Alliances built on power calculus rather than principle consume themselves from within, leaving nothing but ashes for those who forged them.\n\nMore importantly, the decision to launch giffa, and its implementation by Woldedawit and his conspirators, created a crisis for the Revolutionary Council. The Council had no role in authorizing the operation and was left scrambling to determine who was behind it. In that moment, Giffa ceased to be merely a mobilization tactic; it became a fault line exposing the erosion of collective leadership and the rise of unilateral decision-making within the ELF.\n\nThe EPLF's adoption of giffa in the early 1980s followed a familiar pattern: driven by \"necessity\" rather than institutional process. It is important to recall that the EPLF -- together with its ally, the TPLF -- had already pushed a well-organized Eritrean army off the field, thereby diminishing the capacity of a volunteer force inside Eritrea. The collapse of that army created a vacuum the EPLF could not fill through voluntary mobilization alone.\n\nA respondent noted that a national call to optimize resources and unite against the \"ቀዳማይ ጸላኢ -- number one enemy\" was issued as the Sixth Offensive loomed. A parallel appeal was directed at the Eritrean population under the slogan ሎሚ ዘይከተተ ብደው ከም ዝሞተ. The ELF and the Sabbe group were likewise invited under the banner \"ኩሉ ኣንጻር ቀዳማይ ጸላኢ,\" but it was allegedly clear to the EPLF leadership that they were not stepping up to the plate.\n\nFaced with the prospect of simultaneous attacks -- from the Derg and from the ELF, the EPLF concluded that it could not withstand pressure on both fronts. It deemed the elimination of the ELF a strategic necessity. In a bitter historical irony, the ELF, the organization that had launched the national armed struggle, was now perceived as the major liability to the cause, an existential threat whose removal was required for the survival of the revolution.\n\nTo the delight of the Derg, the EPLF and TPLF combined forces unleashed unprecedented onslaught on the ELF. True to Napoleon's maxim, the Ethiopians practiced, \"Never interrupt your enemy when he is making a mistake.\"\n\nAfter the war to rid Eritrea of the ELF and the Sixth Offensive, the EPLF suffered heavy casualties, and no volunteers came forward to replace the martyred tegadelti. The situation necessitated mandatory and coercive recruitment.\n\nAs with the ELF, there were no deliberations at the politburo or central committee level of the EPLF. Yet the decision was accepted as the correct one by the rank and file almost unanimously. Credible evidence suggests that the policy originated within the executive of the secret party, though not all members were aware of it or involved in the process. (With two exceptions, the individuals who composed the executive of the front and the executive of the secret party were the same.)\n\nUnlike the ELF's regionally selective approach, the EPLF sought to apply giffa across all regions of Eritrea; in practice, however, it was concentrated primarily in the Christian-dominated highlands. And Seraye -- long the turf of the ELF -- became the crown jewel of the policy. In some areas, Muslim communities resisted with swords and whatever weapons they had at their disposal. What is known with certainty is that the policy transformed what had once been a voluntary national mobilization into a system of compulsory recruitment -- introduced without collective debate, institutional procedure, or ideological justification.\n\nPolitical science teaches that when organizations bypass their own procedures during moments of crisis, they create precedents that later harden into authoritarian norms. Eritrea followed this script. Institutions are expected to have clearly defined provisions that authorize non standard measures during states of emergency, and the invocation of those measures must follow a protocol agreed upon a priori. When such protocols are ignored -- or improvised under the banner of necessity -- the exception becomes habit, and habit eventually becomes doctrine.\n\nBy the early 1980s, the ghedli stood at a crossroads. What had begun as a voluntary national covenant was now strained by demographic surges, battlefield pressures, and factional maneuvering. The introduction of giffa -- improvised at first, institutionalized later -- marked the beginning of a profound moral rupture. The stage was set for the emergence of a new type of fighter, one whose presence would redefine the struggle itself.",
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"title": "From National Consensus to Strategic Sovereignty: Ethiopia's Defining Week",
"body": "Ethiopia's week unfolded around two questions that go to the heart of the country's future. It revolved how to build consensus at home and how to secure the strategic foundations needed to sustain that future.\n\nAs the National Dialogue entered a new and consequential phase, participants reached consensus across all eight thematic agenda pillars, before a harmonization team began integrating the recommendations emerging from the deliberations. At the same time, renewed discussion over Ethiopia's quest for sovereign access to the sea brought the country's historical, economic and strategic interests firmly back into the national conversation.\n\nBeyond these defining issues, the week also brought developments in economic reform, regional security, renewable energy, health, climate action, skills development and diplomacy -- reflecting an Ethiopia seeking to strengthen its domestic foundations while expanding its role in regional and continental affairs.\n\nNational Dialogue Moves From Deliberation Toward Consensus\n\nThe National Dialogue remained the most significant domestic development of the week as the process moved from deliberation toward the consolidation of recommendations.\n\nParticipants reached consensus across all eight thematic agenda pillars, marking an important milestone in a process intended to address major national questions through dialogue, collective deliberation and the search for common ground.\n\nThe achievement ushered in a new phase. A harmonization team began integrating recommendations generated across the different thematic pillars, moving the process from individual discussions toward a more unified set of proposals.\n\nThat progression is significant. The National Dialogue is no longer simply a forum for identifying differences and airing competing perspectives. Its latest phase is increasingly focused on bringing together ideas, identifying areas of convergence and preparing recommendations for the next stage.\n\nEarlier in the week, one participant described the conference as laying the foundation for a generation grounded in the supremacy of ideas. The observation captured a broader aspiration of the dialogue to strengthen a political culture in which competing views can be debated through ideas and discussion rather than confrontation.\n\nThe movement from deliberation to harmonization therefore gives the National Dialogue a new character. What began as a national effort to bring Ethiopians together around difficult and long-standing questions is becoming an exercise in translating diverse perspectives into areas of common ground.\n\nFor a country whose political history has often been marked by deep disagreement, consensus across all eight thematic areas carries significance beyond the conference hall. It places greater emphasis on the ability of Ethiopians to debate differences, identify shared interests and work toward common solutions.\n\nThe process has also faced misinformation and negative narratives in some media spaces. The National Dialogue Commission has urged the public to approach such reports with caution and rely on verified information about the process.\n\nThe next challenge will be equally important: ensuring that the consensus reached through dialogue can be translated into credible recommendations and, ultimately, meaningful outcomes.\n\nThe Sea Access Question: A Strategic Interest With Historical Weight\n\nAlongside the National Dialogue, Ethiopia's quest for sovereign access to the sea again emerged as a major strategic issue.\n\nIn an exclusive interview with ENA, Gashaw Ayferam, Senior Researcher on the Horn of Africa and Water Geopolitics at the Institute of Foreign Affairs, described sovereign maritime access as a matter of profound national importance, linking it to Ethiopia's historical trajectory, economic development and long-term strategic interests.\n\nGashaw recalled that Ethiopia had direct access to the sea until several decades ago and highlighted the historical importance of maritime connectivity to the country's trade and external relations, particularly during the Axumite civilization and subsequent periods.\n\nHe argued that the absence of sovereign seaport access has created significant challenges for Ethiopia's economic development, trade, investment and import-export operations, while the country's landlocked status has also contributed to higher logistical and port-related costs.\n\nThe researcher further connected maritime access to the wider security environment of the Horn of Africa, arguing that the issue extends beyond commerce to encompass broader strategic considerations.\n\nFor Gashaw, Ethiopia's pursuit of sovereign maritime access should therefore be understood as a major national interest rather than a luxury. He called for intensified diplomatic engagement based on mutual benefit, arguing that greater maritime connectivity could also support regional economic integration, continental cohesion, peace and shared prosperity.\n\nThe argument places the sea-access question within a much broader strategic context. For Ethiopia, the issue intersects with history, trade, economic competitiveness, security, regional integration and the country's long-term position in the Horn of Africa.\n\nEconomic Reform Seeks Greater Inclusion and Stability\n\nThe economy also featured prominently during the week as Ethiopia continued implementing reforms aimed at strengthening the financial sector, expanding economic participation and improving resilience.\n\nENA reported that financial-sector reforms are accelerating digital banking inclusion and contributing to economic stability, highlighting the growing role of technology in widening access to financial services.\n\nThe development comes alongside efforts to strengthen Ethiopia's technical capacity in renewable energy and regional power-grid interconnection, linking financial and technological transformation with the country's wider development ambitions.\n\nThe week's economic coverage also highlighted efforts to expand skills training in response to changing domestic and global labour-market demands.\n\nMinister of Labour and Skills Muferihat Kamil said Ethiopia is expanding skills training to respond to evolving employment requirements, underscoring the importance of preparing citizens for opportunities in an increasingly competitive and technology-driven global economy.\n\nTaken together, these developments point to an economic transformation that depends not only on capital and infrastructure, but increasingly on skills, digital inclusion, technological capacity and human capital.\n\nRegional Security Takes Center Stage in Addis Ababa\n\nRegional security was another major theme of the week.\n\nMilitary leaders of the Eastern Africa Standby Force was held to review regional peace and security protocols, while the 36th EASF Policy Organs Meeting opened with an emphasis on partnership, preparedness and security innovation.\n\nThe meeting concluded with renewed security commitments, reinforcing the importance of collective regional mechanisms in responding to shared security challenges.\n\nThe gathering came against a backdrop of conflicts, geopolitical rivalries and economic pressures contributing to an increasingly complex international and regional environment.\n\nFor Eastern Africa, the discussions carry particular weight as security challenges increasingly transcend national borders. The emphasis on partnership and institutional preparedness reflects a growing recognition that regional security cannot be addressed effectively through isolated national responses.\n\nThe strengthening of regional security institutions therefore remains closely connected to the wider ambitions of stability, economic integration and development across the Horn and Eastern Africa.\n\nEthiopia Strengthens Energy and Climate Agenda\n\nEnergy and environmental issues also remained central to the week's developments.\n\nEthiopia continued efforts to strengthen technical capacity for renewable-energy development and regional power-grid interconnection, reinforcing its broader ambition to expand clean-energy generation and deepen electricity cooperation across borders.\n\nThe Green Legacy Initiative likewise remained an important component of the country's development agenda, with a regional state administration outlining its next priorities for green development and urban renewal.\n\nInternational recognition of Ethiopia's climate and urban-development efforts also featured during the week, as renowned international economists commended aspects of the country's urban transformation and climate-resilience efforts.\n\nDiplomatic missions further reaffirmed support for Ethiopia's sustainable-development initiatives, underscoring the growing international interest in the country's environmental, climate and development programs.\n\nThese developments reflect an increasingly interconnected agenda in which energy security, climate resilience, urban development and economic growth are being pursued as complementary rather than separate priorities.\n\nHealth Cooperation Expands as Addis Ababa Prepares for Continental Forum\n\nHealth was another area in which Ethiopia's regional role continued to grow.\n\nAddis Ababa is set to host the 13th East Africa Health Federations Conference and Exhibition, bringing renewed attention to regional cooperation and private-sector engagement in the health sector.\n\nAt the same time, the groundbreaking of a Fetal Diagnostic Center at St. Paul's Hospital Millennium Medical College marked another step in expanding specialized healthcare infrastructure.\n\nTogether, the developments placed both domestic healthcare capacity and regional health cooperation on the week's agenda, linking improvements in specialized medical services with Ethiopia's broader role in continental health affairs.\n\nA Week Defined by Consensus, Capacity and Strategic Ambition\n\nFrom the National Dialogue to the question of maritime access, Ethiopia's major stories this week revolved around long-term national interests.\n\nAt home, the National Dialogue moved from broad deliberations toward the difficult work of harmonizing recommendations after participants reached consensus across all eight thematic pillars. In the strategic arena, the debate over sovereign access to the sea continued to frame questions of history, economic competitiveness, security and regional integration.\n\nMeanwhile, financial-sector reform, digital inclusion, skills development, renewable energy, regional security, healthcare and climate action demonstrated the breadth of Ethiopia's development agenda.\n\nThe common thread is building national capacity -- to strengthen dialogue, expand opportunity, advance technology and security, and pursue Ethiopia's strategic interests through diplomacy and regional cooperation.\n\nAs the National Dialogue enters its next phase, the central test will be whether consensus reached around the table can be translated into recommendations and outcomes capable of resonating far beyond it.\n\nAnd as Ethiopia continues to pursue its broader strategic interests, the week's developments suggest that the country's next chapter will not be shaped by a single issue. It will be shaped by how effectively Ethiopia can bring together national consensus, economic strength, institutional capacity and strategic sovereignty and turn them into a coherent foundation for a more stable, competitive and influential role in the Horn of Africa and beyond.",
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"title": "Ethiopia's New Tourism Destinations Boost Its Appeal to Global Tourists",
"body": "Addis Ababa, August 16, 2026 (ENA) -- Foreign visitors said that the development of new tourism destinations across Ethiopia is enhancing the country's appeal and strengthening its position as a competitive tourism hub in Africa.\n\nUnder the Homegrown Economic Reform Program, tourism is one of five development pillars identified by the government to promote economic diversification and generate sustainable sources of growth.\n\nThe concept of \"Medemer,\" meaning synergy, has also shaped a new approach to utilizing Ethiopia's spiritual, cultural and natural assets for tourism while preserving their intrinsic value.\n\nUrban corridor and riverside development projects implemented in several cities have contributed to this transformation. In Addis Ababa, the projects have significantly changed the city's landscape and expanded its appeal as a tourism and leisure destination.\n\nAddis Ababa, the seat of the African Union and one of the world's major diplomatic hubs, has evolved beyond its traditional role as a commercial and administrative center.\n\nUrban corridor development projects extending from Bole International Airport have given the capital a renewed appearance and created more attractive spaces for residents and visitors.\n\nBelgian visitor Derrick Dele told ENA that Addis Ababa's beauty, cleanliness and the warm hospitality of its people encourage visitors to extend their stays and return to the city.\n\nDerrick, who visited Entoto Park and the National Museum during his stay, also praised the city's hotel services, saying they reflect Ethiopian hospitality.\n\nItalian national Alessandro Bozo, who first visited Ethiopia 20 years ago, said he was impressed by the rapid transformation of Addis Ababa.\n\nHe noted that riverbanks that previously had an unsightly appearance have been transformed into cleaner and more attractive public spaces, creating a greater sense of safety. He added that he was enjoying his time in the city with his family.\n\nLukas Kupfernagel of Germany also praised the progress recorded in Ethiopia's tourism sector during his two-year stay, saying developments in Addis Ababa and other parts of the country have been remarkable.\n\nThe development of new tourist destinations and improvements in service standards, he said, demonstrate Ethiopia's potential to become a leading tourism hub in Africa.\n\nAnother German visitor, Hermann Gröhe, said the development of new tourism destinations in Addis Ababa has made the city more convenient and attractive for international visitors.\n\nHe said the human fossils he saw at the National Museum demonstrated Ethiopia's long history of civilization and left a lasting impression on him.\n\nGröhe added that the development of new tourism destinations provides an opportunity to better showcase Ethiopia's rich cultural and natural heritage to the world.\n\nHe also expressed interest in visiting other tourist destinations across the country in the future.\n\nEthiopia is developing systems to modernize the utilization of its natural and cultural assets, with the aim of transforming tourism into a source of economic growth, job creation and community benefits, while also strengthening the country's international image.",
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"title": "Reclaiming Ethiopia's Sea: An Injustice Long Overdue for Rectification",
"body": "With analysis from Pulse of Africa (POA)\n\nAug 16, 2026 (ENA)\n\nBy Mathias Bule\n\nEthiopia's alienation to its once-sovereign territory of the port of Assab has been fraught with shady deals, and complicated by the presence and involvement of colonial forces in the Horn of Africa region.\n\nEthiopia's quest to regain access to the sea is not merely a territorial ambition; it is a fundamental claim rooted in centuries of colonial subjugation, legal deceit, and political betrayal. The history of Ethiopia's lost port of Assab is a stark testament to how imperial powers, through clandestine deals and manipulative treaties, deliberately and systematically deprived a sovereign nation of its maritime rights. This injustice must be recognized, rectified, and finally corrected.\n\nThe modern story of it begins in 1869, when local Afar sultans sold a strip of land in Assab to Giuseppe Sapeto, representing Italy's Società Rubattino. The deal was struck in secret, for a paltry sum of just 6,000 Italian lire -- conducted entirely outside Ethiopian knowledge or approval. At the time, Ethiopia's central government, under Emperor Menelik II, was unaware of this transaction. The sale was a clandestine act by local authorities seeking economic advantage, but it was exploited by colonial powers to establish Italy's foothold in the Horn of Africa. Italy's subsequent annexation of Assab in 1882 marked the beginning of a colonial empire that would dominate the region for decades. This early act of territorial theft was a clear violation of Ethiopia's sovereignty, yet it laid the foundation for future injustices.\n\nThe most infamous chapter in Ethiopia's loss of access to the sea is the 1889 Wuchale Treaty. Drafted amidst Italy's expansion into the region, this treaty contained a deceptive mistranslation. The Italian version declared Ethiopia a protectorate, effectively stripping it of sovereignty, while the Amharic version purportedly maintained Ethiopia's independence. This language trickery was designed to facilitate Italian colonization. Although Ethiopia later nullified the treaty following its victory at the Battle of Adwa, Italy had already cemented control over Assab and surrounding territories through subsequent treaties in 1900, 1902, and 1908. These agreements formalized Italy's colonial borders and made Assab a vital part of Italian Eritrea, cutting Ethiopia off from its historical coast.\n\nPost-World War II, the international community attempted to rectify colonial wrongs by dissolving Italian rule and federating Eritrea with Ethiopia under UN Resolution 390A. However, this process was, according to some political scientists and historians, marred by negligence and political expediency. During the 1950s negotiations, Ethiopian leaders failed to assert Assab's status as an independent Ethiopian port. Instead, they treated Eritrea as a whole -- along with Assab -- merely as a territory to be integrated, ignoring the port's strategic importance and its distinct ethnic and historical identity. This omission was a grave oversight, one that left Assab vulnerable to future loss.\n\nThe latest blow came with the overthrow of Ethiopia's military regime in 1991. The rebel groups that seized power -- the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF/EPRDF) and the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) -- fought as allies against colonial and imperial forces. Yet, their hasty, unlegislated decision to cede Assab to Eritrea in 1993 was a betrayal of Ethiopia's sovereignty. The transition government, led by Meles Zenawi, acted without parliamentary ratification or public consultation. Consequently, Ethiopia was left landlocked, stripped of its sovereign access to the sea and its vital port infrastructure. This was not just a territorial loss; it was a blow to Ethiopia's economic independence, national pride, and strategic security.\n\nEthiopia's historical narrative is one of resilience and sovereignty. The loss of Assab was not an inevitable fate but the result of colonial greed, diplomatic deception, and political negligence.\n\nIt is time for Ethiopia to reclaim its rightful access to the sea -- an essential element of its sovereignty and future prosperity. Restoring Ethiopia's maritime rights is not only a matter of rectifying historical injustices but also a crucial step toward national dignity and economic independence. Ethiopia's seas are its birthright, and the time has come to fight for that legacy -- justice demands no less.",
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"title": "Ethiopia's Strategic Resilience in A Contested Horn of Africa",
"body": "Geopolitical tensions in the Horn of Africa are driven by a complex combination of water politics, competition for regional influence, access to the Red Sea, military alliances and domestic political conflicts. At the center of these tensions is Egypt's persistent sabotage against Ethiopia's pursuit of reliable access to the Red Sea and its overall development projects along the Abay River, including the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD).\n\nHowever, these two strategic priorities are central to Ethiopia's economic development, energy security and long-term regional stability as well as economic integration.\n\nYet Egypt has continued to pursue policies that Ethiopia views as jeopardizing its development interests and contributing to regional instability. Regional observers have also portrayed Egypt's approach as part of a broader strategy aimed not only at challenging Ethiopia's development projects but also at containing its growing regional influence and limiting its development options.\n\nDiplomatic pressure is one among different tactics that Egypt has been doing for years in obstructing developments in Ethiopia. It has internationalized the dispute, mobilize diplomatic support, influence the positions of regional and international partners, and press for binding arrangements to jeopardize the construction and operation of any dam along the Abay River.\n\nAgainst this backdrop, Egypt has strengthened strategic partnerships with countries including Eritrea, seeking to capitalize on Eritrea's longstanding tensions with Ethiopia, which added another layer to the region's security dynamics, particularly through military cooperation, strategic alliances and political engagement.\n\nThis relationship has contributed to potential use of proxy dynamics to influence developments in Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa.\n\nAs a result, the region has become an increasingly contested environment in which diplomatic competition, military posturing, strategic partnerships, proxy relationships and economic interests overlap. These dynamics have complicated efforts to establish a stable and cooperative regional security framework.\n\nEgypt, together with countries with which it has strengthened strategic relations, has employed a range of diplomatic, political and security measures that Ethiopia regards as constraints on its development. Egypt's dispute over developments remains one of the most visible sources of tension in the region. Although Ethiopia constructed the dam on the Abay River with the stated objectives of expanding electricity generation, promoting industrial development and improving access to reliable power, Egypt has persistently sabotaged Ethiopia's plans for major projects on the Abay (Nile) River and has sought diplomatic mechanisms to influence the construction and operation of the GERD.\n\nIt has also internationalized the dispute through diplomatic engagement with organizations and international partners, including the United Nations, the Arab League and the European Union, in an effort to strengthen international attention to its concerns over the Abay and the GERD.\n\nThe central disagreement is not simply about the operation of one dam. It concerns fundamentally different interpretations of development, sovereignty and the use of shared water resources. Ethiopia argues that an upstream country should have the right to develop its water resources for electricity generation and economic transformation while avoiding significant harm to downstream states.\n\nAnother sabotage by Egypt against Ethiopia is protecting financers not to support Ethiopia. Ethiopia has long argued that political pressure surrounding the Nile dispute can make it more difficult for the country to attract international financing for major water, energy and infrastructure projects.\n\nThese efforts are viewed in Ethiopia as part of a broader attempt to restrict its development options and prevent the country from fully exploiting its water and energy resources.\n\nEgypt has also attempted to further complicate the situation through military rhetoric. Egyptian officials have periodically referred to the possibility of military options in relation to Abay dispute. Although Egypt has no direct border with Ethiopia, it has conducted military exercises and strengthened security cooperation with countries in Ethiopia's neighborhood.\n\nDiplomacy, military exercises and strategic partnerships can reinforce one another, creating a wider environment in which Ethiopia faces pressure from several directions simultaneously.\n\nEgypt's efforts to strengthen its position in the Horn of Africa have increasingly involved partnerships with countries surrounding Ethiopia. These relationships have acquired particular significance as Ethiopia seeks reliable access to the Red Sea and expands its diplomatic and economic engagement across the region.\n\nEgypt has strengthened its military and political relations with Somalia, including military assistance and security cooperation.\n\nThe emergence of a closer Egyptian Somali security relationship is particularly sensitive for Ethiopia because Somalia shares a long border with the country. The presence of an increasingly active Egyptian security partnership in Somalia has raised concerns in Ethiopia over the possibility of additional strategic pressure on its eastern flank.\n\nEgypt has also maintained strong relations with Sudanese state institutions and the Sudanese Armed Forces, while the war in Sudan has increased the strategic importance of the country because of its geographic position between Egypt and Ethiopia and its proximity to the Red Sea.\n\nThese relationships should not automatically be characterized as a coordinated military encirclement of Ethiopia, as each country has its own national interests and security calculations. However, they demonstrate the growing competition for strategic influence around Ethiopia.\n\nThe broader pattern is nevertheless significant. Egypt's expanding diplomatic and security network provides Cairo with additional avenues for building coalitions and increasing its leverage in regional discussions involving the Nile, security and Red Sea affairs.\n\nAs Egypt strengthens its relationships with countries around Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa is consequently becoming a space where local conflicts and wider geopolitical competition increasingly reinforce one another.\n\nEritrea also exerted a sabotage against Ethiopian development. Since its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, relations between the two countries have been characterized by conflict, military confrontation and deep political mistrust.\n\nThe most significant confrontation was the 1998 to 2000 Eritrea Ethiopia War, which erupted over the disputed border around Badme and other areas. The conflict caused tens of thousands of deaths and displaced large numbers of people. Although the Algiers Agreement brought the war to an end, relations between the two countries remained frozen for nearly two decades in what became known as a \"no war, no peace\" situation.\n\nDuring this period, Eritrea developed relationships with Ethiopian opposition and armed movements. Asmara was accused of providing sanctuary, training, logistical support and other forms of assistance to groups opposed to the government in Addis Ababa. Among the organizations historically associated with Eritrea were TPLF, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF).\n\nEritrea has also played a wider negative regional role. Its relations with Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia have repeatedly generated international concern. Eritrea fought Yemen over the Hanish Islands in 1995 and clashed with Djibouti in 2008.\n\nIn Somalia, Eritrea was accused by international monitoring mechanisms of supporting armed groups during the country's prolonged conflict between 2006 and 2018.\n\nThe United Nations Security Council subsequently imposed sanctions on Eritrea in 2009, although the sanctions were lifted in 2018.\n\nEritrea's regional policy has therefore extended well beyond its bilateral dispute with Ethiopia. Its use of military force, strategic alliances and relationships with armed movements has contributed to the destabilization of the wider Horn of Africa.\n\nThe strategic competition involving Egypt and Eritrea has increasingly intersected with Ethiopia's internal political and security challenges. Ethiopian has repeatedly accused neighboring states, particularly Eritrea of cultivating relationships with armed groups and political movements inside the country. Such allegations demonstrate how domestic conflicts can become intertwined with wider regional rivalries and geopolitical competition.\n\nEgypt, despite having no direct border with Ethiopia, has been also blamed for supporting or maintaining contacts with armed groups inside the country. Particular attention has been directed toward areas surrounding the GERD, including the Benishangul Gumuz region, as well as armed groups operating in other parts of Ethiopia.\n\nThese activities have contributed to political divisions, ethnic tensions and armed insurgencies that create opportunities for external actors seeking to weaken the country. External support for domestic actors can also prolong conflicts, complicate political dialogue and make national reconciliation more difficult.\n\nEthiopia has simultaneously sought to diversify its trade and transport connections. The Addis Ababa Djibouti railway remains a major commercial corridor, while the country has explored alternative transport routes through Kenya and other regional partners. Ethiopian Airlines has also developed an extensive international network, strengthening Ethiopia's connectivity with global markets and contributing significantly to foreign exchange earnings.\n\nAgriculture represents another important pillar of Ethiopia's economic resilience. The expansion of irrigated wheat production has helped reduce dependence on imports and created opportunities for Ethiopia to supply grain to neighboring markets.\n\nAt the same time, the Green Legacy Initiative has developed into a major environmental and agricultural program, with large scale tree planting aimed at restoring degraded land, improving watershed management and strengthening long term climate resilience.\n\nThese initiatives demonstrate Ethiopia's effort to respond to geopolitical pressure through economic transformation and national resilience. Rather than relying exclusively on military or diplomatic countermeasures, Addis Ababa has increasingly emphasized infrastructure, energy, agriculture, trade, environmental protection and regional connectivity as instruments of national strength.\n\nEthiopia's experience illustrates how economic development can also serve as a strategic response to geopolitical pressure. By expanding its productive capacity, strengthening infrastructure and diversifying economic and diplomatic partnerships, the country seeks to reduce its vulnerability to external pressure while consolidating its position as a major political and economic actor in the Horn of Africa.\n\nInstability in the Horn of Africa cannot be attributed solely to external actors. Domestic political grievances, unresolved territorial disputes, institutional weaknesses, economic pressures and competition among local political and armed groups remain important drivers of conflict. External intervention has deepened these vulnerabilities, but sustainable stability ultimately depends on addressing the domestic and regional causes of insecurity.\n\nEthiopia, has increasingly centered on economic resilience, energy development, infrastructure expansion, agricultural transformation, regional connectivity and the diversification of international partnerships.\n\nFor Ethiopia, expanding electricity generation, strengthening infrastructure, diversifying trade routes and securing access to maritime markets are not merely economic objectives. They are also intended to reduce the country's vulnerability to external pressure and strengthen its ability to make independent strategic decisions.",
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"title": "Reforms Transformed Media, Says Ethiopian Media Authority Director-General",
"body": "Addis Ababa, August 16, 2026 (ENA) -- Ethiopian Media Authority Director-General Haimanot Zeleke said recent reforms have transformed the media by removing licensing bottlenecks, expanding access and content diversity, coupling greater freedom with stronger professional responsibility and capacity-building.\n\nEthiopia's media landscape has been significantly reshaped by the reforms, she added.\n\nIn an interview with the ENA, the Director-General noted that the changes have enabled media institutions to expand in type, number, accessibility and content, creating a more open and competitive environment for information flow between the public and the government.\n\n\"By reforming previous licensing bottlenecks in the media sector, opportunities have been created for numerous professionals and institutions wishing to enter the field,\" Haimanot said, adding that this has directly increased participation and diversified content.\n\nAccording to her, revising preconditions that once constrained the profession has allowed media workers to operate more freely, while stressing that \"media freedom must go hand-in-hand with professional responsibility and respect for the law.\"\n\nThe Authority has also paired this liberalization with efforts to raise standards. She highlighted that training delivered through the Ethiopian Media Excellence Center have graduated selected journalists from various outlets to cultivate reporters who work effectively, inform the public, and bring agendas closer to the people.\n\nThe Director-General said capacity-building and content monitoring are being used not only to grow the sector in quantity and reach but also to enhance professional competence and the quality of information provided to citizens.\n\nAddressing digital-era challenges, Haimanot stated that the Authority is working with relevant bodies to curb the spread of false information and hate speech.\n\nLooking ahead, she pledged actions to further strengthen the media landscape and support democratic system-building.\n\n\"Support will be provided to ensure healthy media institutions grow further and operate in line with professional ethics and legal principles,\" she said, adding that the Authority will educate, train and bring into the legal framework those outlets and professionals not operating along proper professional lines.\n\nThe Director-General concluded that ongoing capacity-building aims to ensure media outlets serve as reliable bridges between the public and government, enabling citizens to access accurate information, report issues freely and professionally, and play a constructive role on national matters.",
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"title": "Eritrean Opposition CC Member Describes \"Tsimdo\" Coalition of Anti-Ethiopia Groups with Divergent Interests",
"body": "Addis Ababa, August 16, 2026 (ENA) -- \"Tsimdo\", an alliance of anti-Ethiopia groups, is a coalition of divergent political interests united mainly by opposition to the Ethiopian federal government, the Eritrean Blue Revolution Front (EBRF) Central Committee member, Dawit Teferi, said.\n\nIn an exclusive Zoom interview with ENA, the Central Committee member noted that the alliance should not be understood primarily as a coalition built around a common territorial objective, but a cooperation between the alliance's constituent groups despite their differences.\n\n\"The main players in that group have nothing in common except toppling the central government in Ethiopia,\" Dawit said.\n\nThe alliance's immediate strategy, in his assessment, is to maintain pressure on the federal government and seek political change by bringing different groups together against it.\n\n\"The goal is to continue to destabilize the government, and hopefully bring government change by creating an alliance that constantly bleeds the government out.\"\n\nThe Central Committee member argued that Tsimdo's strategy also depends on the Ethiopian government responding militarily in a way that could bring its members into a broader confrontation with the federal government.\n\nThe the group could face greater internal contradictions if they are unable to draw the government into an open conflict, he underscored.\n\nAccording to him, members of the alliance are not necessarily bound by a common long-term political objective but by largely tactical cooperation.\n\n\"None of them is committed to each other,\" Dawit said, adding that the current cooperation is based largely on immediate strategic interests.\n\nThe Ethiopian government should therefore learn from previous conflicts and avoid allowing opposing groups to determine the terms of engagement.\n\nThe Central Committee member described Tsimdo as a serious development, but said he believes time and restraint could expose the alliance's internal divisions.\n\n\"The longer there is no open conflict, the weight of hate between these groups will end up causing them, all of them, to eat each other,\" he stressed.\n\nFor Dawit, the alliance is also linked to the renewed relations between the TPLF and the Eritrean government.\n\nThe relationship between the two sides is rekindled despite their longstanding rivalry and differences, he noted, adding that the rapprochement should be understood in the context of changing regional political and security calculations.\n\nThe TPLF's objective extends beyond becoming a regional government in Tigray, he pointed out, saying that its goal is to regain its position as Ethiopia's ruling elite.\n\nThe Central Committee member said this explains the effort to rebuild an alliance similar to the one formed in 1991 that ousted the military government in Ethiopia.\n\nHowever, Dawit stated that the actors involved do not appear to have taken sufficient account of the changes that have occurred over the past three decades.\n\nHe observed that \"they don't seem to learn from history. They want to repeat history\".",
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"title": "Zambia Airways Names Ethiopian Executive Aman Chief Executive Officer",
"body": "Addis Ababa, August 15, 2026 (ENA) -- Ethiopian Airlines executive Aman Wole has been appointed Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Zambia Airways, bringing more than 19 years of international aviation experience to the airline.\n\nZambia Airways is a joint venture owned 55 percent by Zambia's state-backed Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) and 45 percent by Ethiopian Airlines.\n\nAccording to Zambia Airways, Aman took up the position on August 1, 2026, after serving in senior positions at Ethiopian Airlines across Africa, Europe and Asia.\n\nHis experience covers airline leadership, commercial strategy, sales, market development and strategic partnerships, according to the airline's statement.\n\nAs CEO, Aman will focus on improving operations and customer experience, expanding routes, strengthening partnerships and ensuring financial sustainability. He will also promote a high-performance culture based on safety, innovation and professionalism, it was learned.\n\nWelcoming the appointment, Zambia Airways Board Chairperson Jomo Matululu expressed confidence in Aman's international experience and leadership.\n\n\"This appointment reflects the Board's commitment to strong leadership and our vision of building a competitive, safe, customer-focused and market-driven airline that connects Zambia to regional and global opportunities,\" Matululu said.\n\nAman said he was honored to lead the airline at an important stage of its development.\n\nHis appointment highlights the aviation connection between Ethiopia and Zambia.",
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"title": "Second-Generation Ethiopians Express Joy at Arriving in Ancestral Homeland",
"body": "Addis Ababa, August 15, 2026 (ENA) -- Second-generation Ethiopian diaspora members have expressed their happiness at arriving in Ethiopia, describing the country as the birthplace of humanity and a place with rich history, culture, and identity.\n\nThe organizers said the visit to Ethiopia will help the youth better understand their country's culture, history, and identity.\n\nA group of second-generation Ethiopian children, young people and their families has arrived in Addis Ababa. They were welcomed at Bole International Airport by the Ethiopian Diaspora Service under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.\n\nOne of the young visitors, Matios Zewdu, said this was his second visit to Ethiopia and that he felt proud of his Ethiopian heritage.\n\nThe other visitor, Kaleb Tesfaye, said he was delighted to be back in Ethiopia, describing the country as beautiful and remarkable place.\n\nEyosias Teferi, another second-generation Ethiopian, said he was particularly happy with the warm welcome he received after returning to Ethiopia following a long absence.\n\nEyosias also said he was proud of his Ethiopian roots and planned to share his experiences in Ethiopia through social media, allowing friends and other members of his community in Canada to learn more about the country.\n\nAccording to Eyosias, Ethiopia offers numerous places to explore, welcoming communities and beautiful green spaces.\n\nThe country is an ideal destination for holidays and for making new friends, he stressed.\n\nFrom among the parents of the teenagers, Muluwork Shiferaw, said bringing the young people to Ethiopia would help them develop a deeper understanding of their country's culture, history and identity.\n\nThe former national team player and current sports coach for diaspora children in Canada, Ashenafi Girma, said the second-generation diaspora members will spend about a month in Ethiopia.\n\nDuring their stay, they will be participating in sports competitions and visit different parts of the country.\n\nThe organizer also said the program is intended to give the young participants a better understanding of Ethiopia and strengthen their connection with their heritage.\n\nFor her part, former international referee and national team goalkeeper, Tirhas Gebreyohannes, said the visit would provide the second-generation Ethiopian youth with an important opportunity to learn more about their country and culture.",
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